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Iran Attack: It’s About Mass Murder, Not Nukes

Kurt Nimmo
Prison Planet.com
Sunday, February 21, 2010

John Bolton wants you to think a strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities will be surgical and few civilians will die. On the other hand, in the video below, he states that things could, well you know, go wrong.

“So if there is a military strike by us or the Israelis or whomever, you don’t think there’ll be any civilian casualties?” he was asked.

“I can’t say that for sure. Things could go wrong,” Bolton responded.

If you think Israel or the United States will simply bomb Iran’s nuclear facility at Bushehr like something out of a Hollywood movie, I have a bridge to sell you in Brooklyn. If Iran is attacked — and with every passing day it looks more and more like it will be — the military will take down the country’s entire infrastructure (military and civilian) like Iraq’s was taken down in 2003.

A study produced by Anthony Cordesman for the Center for Strategic and International Studies (revised in November of 2007) lists numerous sites to be bombed that are scattered across Iran, from Gachin and Bushehr to the south to Lashkar A’bad and the heavily populated metropolis of Tehran in the north. The Cordesman scenario envisions the U.S. or Israel (or both) taking out not only reactors but uranium processing facilities, research facilities, and even uranium mines.

It is speculated any attack on Iran will be similar to Israel’s attack on the Osirak reactor in 1981. In fact, Iran’s nuclear program (completely legal under the rules of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty) is only the pretext for a larger and more ominous plan to hobble Iran and drive it back to the Stone Age in the same way Iraq was.

The twin attacks on Iraq by two members of the Bush crime family — separated by more than a decade that provided enough time for a medieval sanctions regime to do its damage — did not merely target Saddam and his military but the country as a whole.

“The intention and effort of the bombing of civilian life and facilities was to systematically destroy Iraq’s infrastructure leaving it in a preindustrial condition. Iraq’s civilian population was dependent on industrial capacities. The U.S. assault left Iraq in a near apocalyptic condition as reported by the first United Nations observers after the war,” Ramsey Clarke and others state in War Crimes: A report on United States War Crimes against Iraq, released shortly after Bush Senior’s invasion in 1991.

Bush’s Pentagon specifically targeted electric power generation, relay and transmission; water treatment, pumping and distribution systems and reservoirs; telephone and radio exchanges, relay stations, towers and transmission facilities; food processing, storage and distribution facilities and markets, infant milk formula and beverage plants, animal vaccination facilities and irrigation sites; railroad transportation facilities, bus depots, bridges, highway overpasses, highways, highway repair stations, trains, buses and other public transportation vehicles, commercial and private vehicles; oil wells and pumps, pipelines, refineries, oil storage tanks, gasoline filling stations and fuel delivery tank cars and trucks, and kerosene storage tanks; sewage treatment and disposal systems; factories engaged in civilian production, e.g., textile and automobile assembly; and historical markers and ancient sites.

“As a direct, intentional and foreseeable result of this destruction, tens of thousands of people have died from dehydration, dysentery and diseases caused by impure water, inability to obtain effective medical assistance and debilitation from hunger, shock, cold and stress. More will die until potable water, sanitary living conditions, adequate food supplies and other necessities are provided. There is a high risk of epidemics of cholera, typhoid, hepatitis and other diseases as well as starvation and malnutrition through the summer of 1991 and until food supplies are adequate and essential services are restored,” Clarke’s report noted in 1992.

By the time Bush Junior invaded Iraq there wasn’t much infrastructure left to bomb — more than a decade of sanctions made sure the Iraqis were unable to rebuild their society — so George W. settled for killing more than a million Iraqis.

If you think this sort of criminal behavior is limited to Republican neocons, think again. Bill Clinton not only bombed Baghdad on June 26, 1993 — killing eight Iraqi civilians, including the distinguished Iraqi artist Layla al-Attar — he also attacked Yugoslavia, targeting civilian infrastructure and civilian facilities, including houses, hospitals, schools, trains, factories, power stations, and broadcasting facilities.

According to Yugoslav authorities, 60 percent of NATO targets were civilian, including 33 hospitals and 344 schools, as well as 144 major industrial plants and a large petro-chemical plant whose bombing caused a pollution catastrophe. John Pilger noted that the list of civilian targets included “housing estates, hotels, libraries, youth centers, theaters, museums, churches and 14th century monasteries on the World Heritage list. Farms have been bombed and their crops set afire.” (See Edward S. Herman, Clinton Is The World’s: Leading Active War Criminal.)

“U.S. leaders commit war crimes as a matter of institutional necessity, as their imperial role calls for keeping subordinate peoples in their proper place,” writes Herman. Clinton’s “civilian extermination policy in Iraq… is completely normalized in the U.S. and brings no discredit to this country via the elite-dominated global system.” The same “necessity” applies to Bush and his addlepated son and Obama, who is now overseeing the process in Afghanistan and Pakistan (and soon enough Yemen and Iran).

John Bolton is a neocon, a liar, and a scoundrel. He knows full well any attack on Iran will be genocide. He is in favor of such a policy of institutional serial murder. He understands that it is counterproductive to admit the truth — the impending attack on Iran is not about nuclear weapons, it is about continuing the neocon policy of decimating the Muslim Middle East (and Central Asia).

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